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Creative of state importance. The state has almost become the main client of leading creative agencies. How this cooperation is built

Creative agencies have been supporting the state since the first day of the invasion – and even earlier. How does the state develop joint projects with creators and who finances campaigns?

On March 4, Airbnb, a rental service, stopped operating in Russia. The authors of the series of videos – the agency Bickerstaff.284 – came up with an “alternative” to the service. They developed targeted communication for Russians who were searching online for where to vacation abroad. “We invited them to visit the ‘Russian world’ they are being imposed on,” recalls the creative director of the agency, Ilya Anufrienko. “To come to Kharkiv, Irpin, Hostomel.”

The case with the “invitation” of Russians was implemented in two and a half weeks. It received over 2 million views in Russia and more than 18 million worldwide.

The brief for this work was received by Bickerstaff.284 from the State Tourism Development Agency of Ukraine in the early days of the war. At that time, tasks were set and processed in chats among creatives and high-ranking officials from various state institutions. There were numerous chats – Anufrienko alone added ten more.

At the beginning of the war, the creative army of Ukrainians worked massively and chaotically. Agencies, copywriters, designers, and marketers joined the resistance. It was a people’s war that solved tasks quickly and in large numbers.

“It was an avalanche of free tactical work,” recalls Andriy Fedoriv, founder of Fedoriv Agency, at the beginning of the war. In the chat of Fedoriv Creative Attack agency, a team of dozens of people developed solutions for propaganda, branding of volunteer initiatives, and assisted individual ministries. “We launched banners in Belarus, campaigns for remote regions of Russia about their internal problems,” says Inna Polishyna, co-founder of Angry agency, about her agency’s work.

Within a month, the chaos in the creative resistance gave way to strategy. “We felt that we wanted to approach this more structurally,” says Fedoriv. But during the first stage, state authorities were convinced: creatives can wage war quickly, qualitatively, and effectively.

How the cooperation between creative agencies and the state is structured

One of the largest collaborations between the state and creatives is the international campaign “Courage,” authored by the Banda agency. The project, which started in April, was distinguished by its planning and integrity: the campaign had one message and multiple channels.

The campaign billboards adorn cities in Ukraine, the USA, and Europe. Ukrainian businesses are involved in it, and a line of “courageous” merchandise has been launched. In September, with the support of Banda, Visa, the Ministry of Digital Transformation, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, the IT company EVO launched the Made with Bravery marketplace. It features goods made in Ukraine.

In March, representatives of the state approached Fedoriv Agency with an idea from Volodymyr Zelensky: to create the UNITED24 brand to interact more effectively with the international audience, including for fundraising purposes. “We started working on it without additional approvals and budgets,” says Fedoriv. The agency presented the project to the president, Minister of Digital Transformation Mykhailo Fedorov, and Ukrainian Ambassador to the USA Oksana Markarova in the second half of March.

Fedoriv Agency developed the design and frontend in partnership with the Ministry of Digital Transformation and crafted a strategy on how UNITED24 can create English-language content. “We like this project because we can measure the impact,” says Fedoriv. “Through the efforts of a huge team, over $183 million has been raised. If our small contribution is part of that, it’s wonderful.”

The agency has been collaborating with the government even before the war. In particular, together with the Ministry of Digital Transformation, they worked on the “Diia” mobile application, developing the initial concept and design, engaging subcontractors to work on the interface, and so on.

In its “government” portfolio, Fedoriv Agency also worked on branding for Kiev and Donetsk in 2011, developed the “Ready” brand, collaborated with Oschadbank and the Kiev Zoo. “We approach government projects like IT companies approach product development,” says Fedoriv. “The goal of a good project is transformation, not just decoration.”

“We must consider not only public opinion but also how to avoid giving reasons for propagandists,” says Yuriy Duma, Managing Director of provid agency, regarding the specifics of cooperation with the government. Since the beginning of the invasion, they have implemented more than ten projects. The most notable among them is the identity for Ukraine’s Independence Day, developed in collaboration with the Ministry of Culture. “We collaborate with the Strategic Communications Department of the Armed Forces, preparing visual and video materials,” adds Duma. “Together with the Center for Democracy and Rule of Law, we created the project ‘Don’t Add to Workload,’ which was supported by the police, the State Emergency Service, and the Ministry of Culture.”

Since the beginning of summer, Bickerstaff.284 has been approached by state institutions that have received grants from major organizations. At the agency, there are discussions about five large-scale projects. Some negotiations have been ongoing for several months: in February, the work was not only more chaotic but also faster. “I couldn’t imagine moving so quickly, especially with the government,” recalls Anufriyenko. “Now these dynamic processes have somewhat slowed down, and we have very lengthy tender processes.”

Instead, new projects are more global. It’s no longer just creative work to request the closure of the sky, for example, but rather a campaign lasting six months aimed at stopping the outflow of businesses from Ukraine.

The state is not always the initiator of joint projects. Angry agency developed the identity for the Onova project, which aims to restore small villages destroyed by the war. The project’s partner is the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine. “They themselves asked the government for support because they cannot, figuratively speaking, just start construction in the middle of a field,” explains Polishina from Angry.

Often, the project is initiated by a donor, adds Polishina. Before the war, Angry, together with the NGO GoGlobal, developed the “Vote for Yourself” campaign, which urged young people to vote. They collaborated with the Central Election Commission, which provided informational support but did not influence the essence of the campaign. In such cases, the state is ideologically involved in the project. “When communication is supported by the logo of some ministry, it gains more trust,” says Polishina.

Budgets. How are “government” projects of creative agencies financed?

The idea that communication projects are created with taxpayers’ money is a myth, says Anufriyenko from Bickerstaff.284. “They are very rarely funded by the government,” he adds. “It’s usually international funds, grants, or private businesses.” For example, the rebranding of Khortytsia Island, for which the agency received a Cannes Lion award, was financed by the Metinvest Group. And the work of Fedoriv Agency on the “Ready” brand was paid for by Nova Poshta.

“In the current circumstances, asking money from the government is unethical,” believes Polishina from Angry. Her agency has never worked with state budgets – mostly projects were funded by donors. For example, last year the Swedish embassy supported Sweden Days in Ukraine, organized by Angry.

In projects undertaken by Fedoriv Agency during the war, not a single penny came from the state budget, says Fedoriv. For UNITED24, the agency provided some strategic decisions for free, and implementation and production services were paid for by donors. Fedoriv Agency has been working on this model for 12 years, where basic costs are covered by international or corporate donors.

Similarly, provid budgets for state projects are formed by considering only labor costs, and part of the campaigns are done for free. “State orders are not a source of income for the agency; they make up no more than 5% of the company’s turnover,” says Duma from provid.

To sustain the company with nearly a hundred employees, Fedoriv relies on international clients. During the war, the agency signed five projects with American brands. “Income from foreign markets can be a source that allows us to work on some projects pro bono, set special prices, and do projects that we simply want to do,” says Fedoriv.

After the invasion, grant budgets decreased by about 40%, believes Anufriyenko from Bickerstaff.284. Budgets for social projects have remained unchanged overall, says Polishina. “But commercial ones are decreasing because businesses are earning less than before.” It’s difficult to name an average budget for creators: campaigns vary in scope, level of agency resources involved, timelines, and objectives.

Working with government projects is the most challenging, says Fedoriv. Agencies cannot afford to fail. The deadlines are shorter – what used to take months now needs to be done in days. What motivates agencies to take on such tasks? The opportunity to drive important changes, say the creators. “It’s important for me to make the world better, kinder, and more stable,” says Anufriyenko.

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